Enforcing Takings Clauses in China

AuthorCheng Jie
Pages192-219
CHENG (DO NOT DELETE) 15/12/9 12:19 PM
192 TSINGHUA CHINA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 7:191
ENFORCING TAKINGS CLAUSES IN CHINA
CHENG Jie
I. INTRODUCTION
Property rights are considered fundamental in constitutional
jurisprudence and essential for economic development. However,
China’s economic growth over the past 30 years has posed a special
paradox to many theorists: for some, it is a mysterious phenomenon
that China could continue rapid growth for a few decades without
proper contract law until 1999 and without constitutional private
property rights until after 2004. For others, the lack of property rights
explains the social unrests arising from land-taking and the potential
risk of non-sustainability of further development.
This does not mean that there is no property protection in China;
both the Constitution and other relevant laws provide for property
rights. However, it is the security of property rights that is questioned.
Not only do individuals find themselves vulnerable when government
agencies (the State) take their property, but also collective
organizations in rural areas fail to resist expropriation requests from
the State. According to the original text of Article 10 of the 1982
Constitution, “The state may in the public interest take over land for
its use in accordance with the law. No organization or individual may
expropriate, buy, sell or lease land, or unlawfully transfer land in other
ways.” It was not until 2004 when the 20th and 22nd Amendment of the
Constitution added compensation to the original clause.
Among other things, real property, especially land property rights
are especially fragile because individuals are not considered
landowners under the Chinese legal system. According to the 1982
Constitution, in urban areas, all land belongs to the state. In the rural
areas, land belongs to the state or collective organizations. In both
urban and rural areas, individuals only have a land-use right. What is
more, collective organizations in rural areas cannot transfer ownership
freely. They can only passively transfer their land ownership to the
state when the latter expropriates the land. After the state expropriates
the land from rural areas, individuals or private sectors can acquire
land-use rights from the government or from the market. As a result,
there is no spontaneous market for land price and the government will
only compensate the collective landowners with the minimal
government-set price. In other words, the government has a monopoly
over prices for all land owned by the collective, which is highly
distorted and below the actual market price.
Observers and experts have noticed the problems associated with
land property rights in China. Many have proposed reforms to address
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2015] TAKINGS CLAUSES IN CHINA 193
the distortion. Among them, there are three main approaches: the most
radical one is to privatize land ownership both in urban areas and in
rural areas.1 Many economists believe that the property ownership is
the ultimate reason for the distortion. However, due to the perceived
conflict between privatization and socialism, this approach has not
been officially endorsed.
The second approach is legalistic, which advocates to limit
expropriation by a narrow interpretation of “public interests” in the
law. 2 This approach was endorsed by the 2004 Constitution
Amendment; and the 2011 Regulations on Expropriation and
Compensation of Real Property on State-owned Land in Urban Areas
provides a list of projects that are considered to be within public
interests.
The third approach is a constitutional due process of law approach.
This approach requires the government to go through important
bargaining and assessment procedures and to make the results public
with due care.3 Up till now this approach has not been ratified by the
Constitution. However, relevant ministerial procedures have been
introduced to reflect the procedural requirements that emphasize
fairness, neutrality and openness.
This article aims to examine the effectiveness of the third approach
through a systematic analysis of over 200 court cases that involve
Articles 46-49 of the Land Management Law, as amended in 2004.
These articles were chosen for several reasons. Firstly, these articles
are the de fecto due process of law provisions that restrict government
land-taking actions substantively and procedurally. Secondly, these
provisions are enforceable in China. Even if the Constitution is
amended in the future, it is worthwhile to examine the enforcement of
1 Huang Shaoan (黄少安), Sun Shengmin (孙圣民) & Go ng Mingbo (宫明波), Zhongguo Tudi
Chanquan Zhidu Dui Nongye Jingji Zengzhang de YingxiangDui 1949-1978 Nian Zhongguo Dalu
Nongye Shengchan Xiaolü de Shizheng Fenxi (中国土地产权制度对农业经济增长的影响——
19491978年中国大陆农业生产效率的实证分析) [The Impact of Land Ownership Structure on
Agricultural Economic Growth: An Empirical Analysis on Agricultural Production Efficiency on the
Chinese Mainland (1949-1978)], 3 ZHONGGUO SHEHUI KEXUE (中国社会科学) [SOC. SCI. CHINA] 38,
38-47 (2005); Matthew S. Erie, China’s (Post) Socialist Property Rights Regime: Assessing The Impact
of the Property Law on Illegal Land Takings, 37 H.K. L.J. 919, 919-49 (2007) (outlining the anti-
commons (privatization) model and fuzzy approach (maintenance of a hierarchical order of rights among
various players of rural land market) in modeling property law reform in China); see also Zhu Keliang &
Roy Prosterman, Securing Land Rights for Chinese Farmers: A Leap Forward for Stability and Growth,
3 DEV. POLY ANALYSIS (Oct.15, 2007), http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/
DPA3.pdf.
2 Hu Jinguang (胡锦光) & Wang Kai (王锴), Lun Woguo Xianfa Zhong “Gonggong Liyi” de Jieding
(论我国宪法中公共利益"的界定) [Defining Public Interest in the Chinese Constitution], l ZONGGUO
FAXUE (中国法学) [CHINA L. SCI.] 18, 18-27, (2005).
3 Zhang Qianfan (张千帆), “Gongzheng Buchang” yu Zhengshouquan de Xianfa Xianzhi (公正
补偿与征收权的宪法限制) [Just Compensation and Constitutional Control of Takings Power], 2
ZHONGUO FAXUE YANJIU (中国法学研究) [CHINESE J.L.] 25, 25-37 (2005).

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